Freiburger historische Bestände - digital

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And more recently still, during the meeting of a
Geographical Congress at Nuremberg, a little " Festspiel,"
" Im Hause Martin Behaim's," written by Frau Helene
von Forster, was performed on May 21, 1907. This
Festspiel, however, not any more than Schiller's classical
dramas, can be accepted as representing historical truth.

XVI. MARTIN BEHAIM THE YOUNGER,

1489-1520.1

Martin, the only son of Martin Behaim and Joanna de
Macedo, the daughter of Josse van Hurter, was born on
April 6, 1489.2 There were no other children—no second
brother, as asserted by the untrustworthy Fructuoso—nor
a sister. The inquiries made by Jorg Pock on behalf of
Martin's relatives at Nuremberg admit of no doubt on
that points

Young Martin either lived with his mother, who after
her first husband's death had married D. Henrique de
Noronha, a nobleman of Madeira, or in the house of his
aunt Dona Isabel de Macedo, the widow of Francisco da
Silveira, at Lisbon. Jorg Pock, who knew her well,
speaks to this Dona Isabel (whom he calls Thona Issabl)4
as " one of the most honourable and virtuous ladies in all
Portugal, who proved a second mother to her young
nephew." We know nothing of young Martin's early
days or education. To all appearance he spent his days
in idleness. Jorg Pock speaks of him as a " good and
well-behaved (frum) man, singularly devout," not a
" lady's man" (fraw-mann), but a " very virgin" as
compared with the ordinary Portuguese, whom he
denounces as rude (grob) and arrogant.6 Of the Portuguese
of his day he says that " they are the most arrogant
people to be found in the world, ride about the market
square all day with four servants running behind them,
and when they get home again they dine off a radish and
salt instead of chicken and roast meat. The poorest with
us (in Nuremberg) eat and drink better than they do.

1 Ghillany, ' Geschichte des Seefahres Ritter Martin Behaim' (Niirn-
berg, 1853), pp. 107-122, publishes a series of documents bearing upon
the history of young Martin, and extending from June 7, 1518, to
January 1, 1522. They include two letters from young Martin, three
letters from Michael, the brother of Martin, to his nephew and to J org
Pock, the factor of the Hirschvogels at Lisbon, four letters of Jorg Pock,
two letters written by the Magistrate of Nuremberg to the King of
Portugal, &c. I have not thought it worth while to reproduce the whole
of this correspondence, but have carefully sifted it, and embodied my
gleanings in the narrative given above. Translations of the two letters
of the Senate have, however, been given by me (see Appendix XII.).

2 Michael Behaim, December 16, 1518 (Ghillany, p. 113).

3 J. Pock to Michael Behaim, March 25, 1519 (Ghillany, 116). Jorg
Pock was the " factor " of the Hirschvogels at Lisbon. He went out to
India in 1521.

♦ J. Pock to Michael Behaim, March 25, 1519 (Ghillany, 115).
6 J. Pock, March 25, 1519 (Ghillany, p. 115).

Many of the Portuguese never take wine, as they look'
upon doing so as disgraceful, but when in church they
belch to make one's soul shudder, and this they think
quite well-behaved." Elsewhere6 this same Pock says
that "if a man has ten ducats he buys him a camlet
coat, a silver-mounted sword, glossy boots and a viola to
go at night into the street with, and serenade the
strumpets; they poison the air with their arrogance !"
Worthy Jorg Pock is severe, but it must be borne in
mind that the ancient glories of Portugal had grown faint
when he wrote;7 an unwonted period of prosperity had
resulted in demoralisation.

Young Martin charged with Manslaughter.

Young Behaim was evidently a person of most
unsteady purposes, for he attained the age of twenty-eight
years without having been able to make up his mind
whether to apply for an appointment in the King's household
, go to India in search of a fortune, or pay a visit to
his relations in Nuremberg. In the end he decided to go
to Germany. As a preliminary he paid a visit to his
mother in Madeira and received from her sixteen cruzados
towards his travelling expenses. On the voyage back to
Lisbon a fellow traveller picked a quarrel, assaulted him,
and was killed by young Behaim in self-defence.1* As a
result the latter found himself in prison, where he
languished for two years, kindly looked after by his aunt
Dona Isabel, and where, considering the protracted
judicial proceedings of those days he might have remained
to the end of his days, had not the payment of thirty
cruzados, made to the Papal nuncio by Michael Imhof9
(Incurio), induced that influential priest to intervene on
behalf of the unfortunate prisoner and procure his release.
But long before this the relatives of young Behaim had
appealed for help to his kinsmen at Nuremberg. The
influence of Uncle Michael was brought to bear upon the
magistrates of the Imperial city, and an official letter10 was
addressed to the King, whose clemency was invoked on
behalf of the homicide. But in addition to this, and
undoubtedly at the suggestion of the Portuguese relatives,
the magistrates informed the King that the Behaims were
an illustrious family, who had resided for more than two
centuries in Nuremberg and were entitled to coat-armour,

6 In a letter of January, 1523 (Ghillany, p. 120).

' How things grew much worse by the end of the century may be
gathered from Diogo do Couto's ' Dialogo do Soldado Pratico,' written
1611, and published Lisbon, 1790. D. do Couto was "chronista" and
keeper of the archives of India.

8 This is Martin's first version of this incident (see J. Pock's letter of
March 13, 1518), but subsequently Pock wrote (August 16, 1518) that
Martin had told him that the quarrel took place on the voyage to his
mother, with whom he intended to leave 300 cruzados in money and
merchandise, which he wished her to take care of during his absence in
Germany. No wonder the Nuremberg uncle was puzzled. Michael
Behaim to Jorg Pock, December 16, 1518 (Ghillany, p. 113).

9 The same to Jorg Pock, November 12, 1518 (Ghillany, p. 112).

10 For this letter see Appendix, p. 115.